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Home » Iranian Ties and Controversies: Uncovering the Dark Secrets of Juan Eduardo Hidalgo’s Miami Equestrian Empire

Iranian Ties and Controversies: Uncovering the Dark Secrets of Juan Eduardo Hidalgo’s Miami Equestrian Empire

Juan Eduardo Hidalgo de Areba, a Venezuelan rider, has made a name for himself in the competitive equestrian world of Florida. In mid-2017, Hidalgo established the La Cuadra Show Stables riding school in Miami, in partnership with Alfredo González, a former acquaintance. However, this venture has deep roots that trace back to 2003, when Hidalgo collaborated with González to create Pro-Riding Stables, Inc., the legal entity behind the equestrian business.

Although González led the company for fourteen years, changing its brand name multiple times while keeping the legal name of Pro-Riding Stables, Inc., prior to Hidalgo’s arrival in 2017, Pro-Riding Stables, Inc. occupied various locations in Florida. The collaboration between the two culminated in 2019. Since then, Hidalgo has taken the reins by himself, renaming the school to “Juan Hidalgo Show Stables,” in a move that some may view as self-promoting.

Alfredo González and Juan Eduardo HidalgoAlfredo González and Juan Eduardo Hidalgo

Under his guidance, both Hidalgo and his students have achieved accolades in competitions in Wellington and Ocala, cementing the school’s reputation in the Floridian equestrian scene. This recognition has attracted new riders eager to replicate the successes of their predecessors. However, it’s not all glitz and glamour in Hidalgo’s stables; controversies and scandals, which have been kept under wraps until now, lurk around his equestrian empire.

Hidalgo’s background stems from a middle-class family in Valencia, Carabobo state, Venezuela. He is one of five children of the late Wladimir Eduardo Hidalgo Báez and Ana Luisa Areba Vázquez, known as “Anilu.” His mother is a former professor at the University of Carabobo.

A Family Clan in Diaspora: From Venezuela to Spain and the U.S.

Juan Eduardo HidalgoJuan Eduardo Hidalgo

The Hidalgo Areba siblings, like many Venezuelans, chose to emigrate to the United States. However, they maintain ties to Spain, particularly with Madrid, due to family connections. Ana Luisa Hidalgo, Juan Eduardo’s sister, exemplifies this transatlantic bond as the founder of Furia Flamenca, a flamenco dance academy with locations in Coral Gables and Key Biscayne, Miami.

The most surprising twist has come from Juan Eduardo himself. Until at least early 2013, he worked in a human resource recruitment company with offices in Caracas and Valencia, Venezuela. In a remarkable leap, he became the owner of La Cuadra Show Stables in Miami in 2017. His transformation extended beyond professional life; from living in a rented house in Miami, he purchased a home in Doral for over half a million dollars in September 2019, where he settled with his family. This meteoric rise contrasts sharply with the reality faced by many of his compatriots trying to establish themselves in a new country like the U.S.

A Connection to Illegal Mining in Colombia

The property where Juan Hidalgo Show Stables operates holds a storyline reaching a scandal in Colombia. The lavish mansion, located at 5900 Sw 123rd Ave, Miami, and currently valued at over 3 million dollars, was purchased in February 2016 for nearly half its current value by Iranian-American businessman Hassan Jalali Bidgoli.

 Juan Hidalgo Show Stables at 5900 Sw 123rd Ave, Miami.Juan Hidalgo Show Stables at 5900 Sw 123rd Ave, Miami.

The purchase was made through a business entity that Jalali Bidgoli had established in Florida just days before the transaction. Jalali Bidgoli, who according to acquaintances speaks fluent Spanish and is married to Viviana Vargas—a Latina citizen—continues to be, to date, the manager of the company that owns the property.

Viviana Vargas and her husband Hassan Jalali BidgoliViviana Vargas and her husband Hassan Jalali Bidgoli

On December 5, 2018, a year after the equestrian school started operating in Miami, it was revealed that Colombian authorities had opened a probe against Jalali Bidgoli. That day, a judge issued 13 arrest warrants, including for Jalali Bidgoli and his partner, fellow Iranian-American Amir Mohit-Kermani, due to their alleged involvement in a scandalous case of illegal mining and ecocide in the Colombian department of Chocó.

In 2021, a joint journalistic investigation uncovered details about the illegal mining case and how it remained in impunity amidst accusations of mafia activity in Chocó.

Illegal Gold and Evasion

Illegal gold mining. Reference image.Illegal gold mining. Reference image.

In 2018, two names emerged in an intricate network linking the opulence of Miami with mining exploitation in Colombia: Hassan Jalali Bidgoli, a real estate promoter, and Amir Mohit-Kermani, a chiropractor and Ferrari enthusiast. Both of Iranian descent were implicated in a legal process for illegal mining in Chocó, a region plagued by this practice.

Judicial documents reveal that Jalali and Mohit-Kermani initiated their mining operations in Colombia through two companies established in 2011: Tala Internacional Trading S.A.S and Talbras S.A.S. The names of these companies evoke both the Persian word for “gold” (tala) and the presence of Brazilian dredgers (“bras”). These firms became the center of an operation which, according to authorities, extracted gold without possessing mining titles or environmental permits. One informant noted that Jalali sought new business opportunities in light of the crisis plaguing Florida’s construction sector after the real estate bubble burst in 2011.

The network, involving Moisés Ortiz Martínez, the former legal representative of Talbras, operated in the municipalities of Río Quito and Medio San Juan, even reaching a mouth of the Atrato River.

Crossover Accusations and Threats: The Testimony of Ángela Salazar

Although in 2018 arrest warrants were issued against Jalali and Mohit-Kermani, their legal representatives in Colombia denied the existence of such orders. In the U.S., their defense acknowledged the presence of an Interpol red notice but denied any request for international arrest.

 

 

The lawyer Ángela Salazar, who worked for the Iranians, recounted that “the Iranians” brought in Moisés Ortiz, who, according to her account, worsened the situation. The relationship between Salazar and Ortiz quickly soured, culminating in Salazar’s dismissal and a subsequent labor lawsuit. The opposing party refuted the labor violations and won the case, a decision Salazar attributed to a sudden change in the judge’s attitude.

Salazar’s testimony intensified when she claimed that after the lawsuit, Ortiz falsely accused her of being an informant for the army in the area, endangering her face to guerrilla and paramilitary groups. This accusation, according to Salazar, sought to intimidate and discredit her.

Salazar mentioned that, according to her information, the dredger in which the Iranians initially invested was moved from Antioquia to Chocó, coinciding with the account of Josecarlo Souffront, a Venezuelan resident in Colombia who purchased and sold gold bound for Miami.

Investments, Disputes, and Fugitives: The Account of Souffront and Marulanda

Despite the accusations, Jalali and Mohit-Kermani have not been found guilty in Colombia. However, five members of the organization, including Ortiz, were convicted in 2019 for environmental crimes and conspiracy, although they were not imprisoned due to a questionable judicial process.

The story begins in 2010, when, according to Jalali and Mohit-Kermani, they loaned money to Carlos Marulanda, a Colombian interested in the gold business. Marulanda, along with Josecarlo Souffront, bought and sold gold destined for Miami. The accounts of Jalali and Mohit-Kermani differ from those of Marulanda and Souffront, who claimed it was an investment to acquire a dredger.

According to the latter, Jalali and Mohit-Kermani, enticed by the “gold fever,” invested 100,000 dollars in the dredger. However, the relationship turned sour. Souffront stated that the Iranians attempted to meddle in their operations and that after his refusal, he was threatened and stripped of his business by a “debt collecting” or Colombian criminal organization, allegedly at the behest of the Iranians, leading him to flee Colombia in 2011.

Contradictions and Payments to Armed Groups

Hassan Jalali BidgoliHassan Jalali Bidgoli

According to journalistic reports in 2021, Jalali and Mohit-Kermani stated that they created Tala International Mineral Trading S.A.S to recover losses and hired lawyer Ángela Salazar to obtain licenses. Salazar, however, provided a different account: she claimed that the Iranians engaged in alleged illegal activities and that after discussions and her subsequent dismissal by Ortiz, she was falsely accused of collaborating with the army, endangering her life.

Moisés Ortiz, Jalali’s mother-in-law’s cousin, took charge of the project in Colombia. According to attorney Salazar, confirmed by various sources, in Chocó, “everyone pays protection money” to armed groups to operate, including law enforcement, in exchange for protection and information about operations.

Salazar asserted that she was hired to provide legal advice to Talbras, initially constituted by Jalali’s employees to, as she put it, “buy time” in obtaining permits. However, disagreements soon arose. The attorney noted that despite presenting options for locations with mining titles and environmental permits, the Iranians showed disinterest, which led her to suspect illegal operations.

The organization operated in Río Quito through Vencol Mineral S.A.S, created by Ortiz, and later in San Miguel with Dragados San Miguel S.A.S. While Jalali and Mohit-Kermani denied involvement with Vencol, they admitted to supplying mining equipment.

The members of the scheme were charged with diverting river courses and contaminating them with mercury, among other environmental harms.

Illegal mining, more lucrative than drug trafficking, according to former Colombian Attorney General Jorge Perdomo, has wreaked havoc in Chocó. Mercury contamination, deforestation, and ecosystem damage are evident. Communities, trapped between dependence on mining and state abandonment, suffer the consequences.

Meanwhile, in Miami, Jalali and Mohit-Kermani amassed luxurious properties. Jalali, linked to numerous companies, even in tax havens, and Mohit-Kermani, residing lavishly, enjoyed a life distant from the realities of Chocó, where illegal mining continued its course, leaving destruction in its wake and an uncertain future.

Jalali Bidgoli and his companies own multiple properties valued in millions of dollars in Miami, including the Ocean Five hotel.

It’s important to note that Jalali Bidgoli has denied the allegations against him through his lawyers, asserting that he never directly participated in illegal mining activities in Colombia.

Amidst the glamour radiating from Juan Eduardo Hidalgo’s school and captivating equestrian enthusiasts, it’s striking that the property housing Juan Hidalgo Show Stables was acquired by Jalali in 2016, coinciding with the time when, according to Colombian authorities, Jalali was involved in illegal mining activities under investigation in Colombia. The prosperity of the equestrian center is also notable, as by 2019, when Juan Eduardo Hidalgo took full control, it already had no less than 15 horses.

Questions and Iranian Connections: Is There a Cover Cell in Miami’s Equestrian World?

Additionally, the interest and role of Iranian citizens in Juan Hidalgo Show Stables is striking, with some being breeders of Persian horses from the Iranian city of Mashhad, who in some cases have relatives within the ranks of the Iranian military. In light of this, questions arise: Is Juan Hidalgo Show Stables a sort of opaque Iranian cell masquerading as an equestrian business? Does this entire situation constitute a sensitive national security matter for the United States?

But if the scandal of illegal mining looming over the origins of Juan Hidalgo Show Stables wasn’t enough, there’s another disturbing issue related to the riding school.

Juan Eduardo Hidalgo de Areba has formed a sort of alliance with his compatriot, fellow Venezuelan riding instructor Pablo Francisco Sandoval Torres, who, in Venezuelan jargon, comes from a “plugged-in” family, connected to the military sphere in Venezuela.

Pablo Sandoval TorresPablo Sandoval Torres

While Juan Eduardo Hidalgo operates the “Pro-Riding Stables, Inc” and “Juane H, Corp.” shell companies—so-called because they lack an actual office—Pablo Sandoval Torres owns, at the same location in Miami where Hidalgo resides, the also shell company “Adeec Equestrian Services LLC,” established by Sandoval in May 2023.

In recent months, Pablo Sandoval Torres has focused his activities not in Florida, but in Caracas. Pablo Francisco Sandoval serves as an instructor at the Cariello Riding Academy, founded and directed by fellow rider Eduardo Cariello Blonval. Furthermore, Cariello has taught riding at the exclusive residential development Caracas Country Club.

Pablo Sandoval Torres and Eduardo CarielloPablo Sandoval Torres and Eduardo Cariello

The Cariello Riding Academy is located on Avenida Principal Lomas de La Trinidad, the former Las Minas – Baruta highway, Quinta San Pedro, Caracas. The venue functions as a kind of complex housing both the San Pedro Foundation and the Integral Therapy Center of Venezuela (CTIV), which offers innovative therapies and treatments for children’s rehabilitation, including equine therapy. One of the requirements for students at the Cariello School is to not only pay for each riding class but also contribute financially to the Integral Therapy Center.

Beyond Pablo Sandoval Torres’ role as a horse riding instructor and business partner of Juan Eduardo Hidalgo de Areba, another undeniable reality exists. Sandoval Torres is the son of Pablo Francisco Sandoval Mata, a retired colonel, graduated in 1969 from the José Gregorio Monagas promotion of what was then the Military School of Venezuela—now known as the Bolivarian Army Military Academy.

Colonel (r) Pablo Sandoval Mata, father of rider Pablo Sandoval TorresColonel (r) Pablo Sandoval Mata, father of rider Pablo Sandoval Torres

While the glory days of the Venezuelan military, of Pablo Sandoval Torres’ father, date back to the so-called Fourth Republic, prior to Hugo Chávez’s rise to power in Venezuela, the retired Colonel Pablo Francisco Sandoval Mata seems to have embarked on a very different path after leaving his military career.

Family Businesses, State Contracts, and “Double Standards” in Miami

After his retirement, Colonel (r) Pablo Sandoval Mata has been engaged in business since at least the 1990s, seeing some ventures flourish after Chávez came to power. Without knowing precisely the origin of his wealth, Colonel (r) Sandoval Mata became a shareholder in engineering, civil works, and construction companies, including Grupo Construtech, C.A., in Caracas; and Ingeniería y Construcciones Mora Arreaza Sandoval, C.A., in Bolívar state. He also owned another company in Caracas called Cavenin Inversiones C.A.

In a country like Venezuela, it’s improbable that contractor companies like those of Colonel (r) Sandoval Mata have prospered without receiving contracts from government institutions for over two decades, the duration of Grupo Construtech, C.A.’s existence.

A case that demonstrates the state advantages obtained by Colonel (r) Pablo Sandoval Mata is that of Distribuidora Proteus, C.A., a company founded in Caracas by Colonel (r) Sandoval Mata in 1997, in partnership with his sister, Coromoto Sandoval. Coromoto is a prominent bioanalysis graduate from the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) with postgraduate studies in Brazil.

Although legally, Coromoto now appears as the sole owner of the company, among friends, the partnership between them is well known. Both Grupo Construtech, C.A. and Distribuidora Proteus, C.A. operate or have operated, albeit in different premises, on Avenida Neverí, Centro Comercial Los Chaguaramos, Urbanización Los Chaguaramos, in Caracas. Distribuidora Proteus, C.A. specializes in the distribution of supplies, materials, and equipment for microbiology and bioanalysis laboratories. Among its clients are state entities such as the Ministry of Popular Power for Health and the Venezuelan Institute of Social Security (IVSS), from which the Sandoval family has received lucrative contracts.

Juan Eduardo Hidalgo and Pablo Sandoval Torres in FloridaJuan Eduardo Hidalgo and Pablo Sandoval Torres in Florida

To Pablo Sandoval Torres, besides being a shareholder of Grupo Construtech, C.A., along with his father, mother, and siblings, and of the shell company he created in Florida in partnership with his colleague Juan Eduardo Hidalgo, no other business ventures are known. However, he has maintained his activity in an expensive sport like horseback riding.

Pablo Sandoval TorresPablo Sandoval Torres

A person familiar with the matter claims that Sandoval Torres has benefited from family businesses in his equestrian career. There are even rumors that he has used his friend Juan Eduardo Hidalgo to invest in Florida. It is speculated that the family’s state connections in Venezuela have contributed to the prosperity of Juan Hidalgo Show Stables in the U.S.

Spiritual Community

María Isabel Lander and her husband, Juan Eduardo HidalgoMaría Isabel Lander and her husband, Juan Eduardo Hidalgo

María Isabel Lander Silva, Juan Eduardo Hidalgo’s wife, has started her own business in Miami called “Ananda Circle,” a spiritual community offering personal development workshops. It is not clear whether in these workshops, “Vivi,” as Lander is called, explains her own transition from living in a rented house in Miami to owning a property now valued at over 600,000 dollars.

María Isabel Lander (beige coat) and her partner send a message to their followers

It’s ironic that while María Isabel Lander teaches other women how to be better individuals, her husband seems to be building his equestrian school on the shadows of a devastated and contaminated jungle due to illegal mining in Colombia and on his association with a member of a family that has received contracts from chavista administrations, against which many Venezuelans in Florida, including the Hidalgo Lander couple themselves, loudly express their discontent.

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