The Delcygate scandal and the Ábalos corruption scheme involving Koldo and Aldama continues to unfold: Víctor de Aldama urges José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero to explain his trip from Caracas to Santo Domingo on the businessman’s plane, as an investigative report from Spain’s Central Operational Unit of the Civil Guard uncovers illegal payments and communications aimed at hiding the irregular activities linked to this high-profile case.
Aldama —a Spanish businessman at the center of the corruption scandal entangling former Minister of Transport, Mobility and Urban Agenda (MITMA), José Luis Ábalos, and his advisor Koldo García— invited the former Spanish Prime Minister during an interview to clarify the reasons he was aboard Aldama’s private jet during that trip.
The scandal implicating Nicolás Maduro’s regime through Vice President and Minister of Oil, Delcy Rodríguez, keeps revealing evidence of the connections between the key players of Chavista corruption and the government of Pedro Sánchez.
What was Rodríguez Zapatero doing with Aldama on his private plane?
In an interview, Víctor de Aldama referenced the accusations made against him by Rodríguez Zapatero and urged him to provide explanations to the public about why he traveled on the businessman’s aircraft.
“I don’t know why this man has spoken ill of me, because I’ve only been correct with him. Moreover, I’ve been asked to take him from Caracas to Santo Domingo on my private jet, and I did so. So, he should explain what he was doing with me on that plane,” Aldama said during the interview.
He had previously warned: “I have never said this before; I believe Zapatero knows what I’m talking about. He should explain himself because I’ve heard him speak of me negatively on some occasions.”
The Spanish businessman, allegedly an intermediary in the Koldo scandal, stated that José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero “cannot pretend to be oblivious,” while emphasizing, “Zapatero knows perfectly well what has happened within his party.”
Víctor de Aldama also criticized Pedro Sánchez, the current head of the Spanish government, and announced the potential release of more documents revealing irregularities in his administration.
The new UCO report
Furthermore, the UCO report dated June 5, 2025, on alleged irregularities in public contracting outlines the main findings and emerging themes from the provided extracts of a judicial document stemming from the ongoing process in the 4th Section of the Second Chamber of the Supreme Court regarding this case.
The analysis is based on intercepted conversations and the financial and operational information mentioned in the referenced document, which brings to light a series of illicit payments, as well as secure communications aimed at concealing the activities of the Ábalos, Koldo, and Aldama corruption scheme.
The report focuses on the alleged influence of Koldo García Izaguirre and ex-minister José Luis Ábalos in awarding contracts to companies such as Acciona, Obras Públicas y Regadíos (OPR), and Levantina Ingeniería y Construcción (LIC). Judicial actions, such as raids and requests for bank information, are referenced to further investigate these criminal acts.
Corruption activities and influence peddling
The report refers to the alleged involvement of high-ranking officials and their associates in corruption activities and influence peddling, particularly regarding contracts and public tenders.
For instance, the investigation reveals that despite having left MITMA, Koldo García continued to receive a monthly salary of €10,000 in cash from Aldama, “which suggests that incomplete projects still exist, retaining some influence.”
Addtionally, it is mentioned that Víctor de Aldama allegedly handed money to José Luis Ábalos in Koldo García’s presence, implying a sharing scheme.
Among the other payments mentioned is one made on February 2, 2022, for €620,000, while €450,000 remain outstanding.
It is stated that Koldo claims Ábalos had already received €550,000 and an additional €70,000 from Antxón, totaling €1,000,000 owed, not including the €70,000 from the “bajera.”
In one audio, Koldo tells Ábalos: “Yes, the four hundred fifty thousand euros you owe… and I’m owed one hundred thirty more, plus another five thousand five hundred, so just imagine….”
Ábalos complains about lacking money, to which Koldo replies: “Well, your son must have some of your money… for sure” and “If you can’t spend four hundred seventy thousand euros over two years… don’t mess with me.”
Influence in awards and contracts
Conversations between Koldo, Ábalos, and Santos reveal a pattern of direct influence in awarding contracts to specific companies like Acciona, Sacyr, and Ferrovial.
Koldo tells Ábalos: “These five, okay? We need to award one to Acciona, another to Sacyr, and she tells me, I have to give one to Ferrovial, okay? And I say, I’ve told her, look, give me these two, alright? And whatever you do, it’s all good, sound fair?” Ábalos responds: “Talk to Santos, huh.” Koldo interjects: “No, I’ve already talked to him.”
Additionally, Koldo García mentions having assisted “forty-seven companies” with “technical issues” that involved meetings with directors and AENA, who asked for “a thousand different favors.” However, he insists he accepted “absolutely nothing” from them, just €25,000 from Santos and €5,000 more at Christmas.
Then, Koldo tells Ábalos that he will give directions to Javier Herrero and Isabel Pardo de Vera to grant some contract to Aldama “that would allow for covering some expenses.”
Santos Cerdán’s obsession
Direct pressure on important infrastructure contracts is mentioned.
Santos Cerdán is said to be “obsessed” with the “Centenary Bridge of Sevilla” and puts “all the pressure” on. Koldo warns Ábalos: “Santos, and you need to talk to him, is obsessed with this, with Sevilla, with the bridge.” Pressure is also applied regarding the “Logroño matter” and a project for a €60 million “railway network.”
Santos Cerdán’s role is critical in the operations, as he exerts pressure, discusses payments, and possibly reaps economic benefits. Koldo insinuates that Santos “has kept money right in front of me” and that “your [Ábalos’] situation is child’s play compared to his, because there are much more serious things he’s done.”
Network of contacts and intermediaries
The document details a complex network of individuals facilitating illicit operations.
Koldo García Izaguirre plays a central role in the scheme as an intermediary and facilitator of payments and contracts, maintaining a loyal relationship with Ábalos and a conflicted one with Santos. He claims he resigned out of dignity when Pati and Joseba were “fired,” describing himself as a “worker” and “loyal.”
José Luis Ábalos, the former MITMA minister, is the alleged recipient of large sums of money and the beneficiary of the influence exerted by Koldo and Santos. His concerns about the lack of funds and the need to settle dues with his ex-wife are mentioned.
Santos Cerdán, referred to as “Santos psoe” on WhatsApp, pressures specific projects and is suspected of obtaining economic benefits.
Antxón Egurrola is identified as the person delivering €500 bills to Santos, suggesting his role in the flow of money and hails from Guipúzcua.
José Ruz (Pepe) is mentioned by Koldo for having stopped paying him €1,100 monthly, of which €700 were for Ábalos’ “pension” and €400 were for Koldo.
The scheme also involves Koldo García’s relatives, including Patricia Uriz (Pati), his wife, who was “let go” (resigned/was fired), and it’s noted that she isn’t handling it well. Payments from “Áridos Anfersa SL” to her account are also recorded. Koldo wants her to “contribute.”
Joseba, Koldo’s brother, is also implicated, although Koldo claims he is handling it “relatively well,” among others.
Financial aspects and cash flow
The conversations detail specific amounts of money, debts, and payment mechanisms. For example, large sums are reported, including a total of €1,000,000 that José Luis Ábalos should have received or was about to receive according to Koldo García.
Koldo also mentions that Santos Cerdán kept €50,000, and he himself retained €50,000, from a total of €150,000.
Koldo asks Santos to get “the 150 or 200” for Ábalos, so he can give him €150,000 to cover the expenses of his ex-wife’s house, while €100,000 would be for Koldo himself, “because that’s what he owes me.”
Payment methods and precautions
The report indicates that Koldo García received €10,000 in cash from Víctor de Aldama.
It is also known that Koldo prefers to use alternative phone numbers for conversations. He likes to avoid WhatsApp with his main number to “stay in my happy world.” “I’ll give you a number, and you send me a message there.”
His precautions in operations are also highlighted, as Koldo claims to have incriminating conversations with Santos, but “less for you [Ábalos], which is erased.”
Strategies and operations of economic crime
The document describes tactics to evade detection and manage investigations. Koldo García emphasizes not talking too much and clearing evidence.
Meanwhile, Santos says: “There’s no need to say so many things… boom, it sits, it sees, and it breaks… that is what… and they have here, damn it! There’s nothing… and, and not to talk… period.”
Likewise, Koldo García positions himself as someone loyal who has “saved many companies’ lives” and has done “a thousand errands,” seeking economic support in return. He admits to having received “oysters, champagne, wine, and a ham” as gifts.
However, Koldo expresses concern about being “followed” and mentions owning weapons, including an “assault submachine gun,” and warns: “Don’t mess too much, I mean, don’t let the wires cross.”
García accuses Santos of having “snitched in Navarra that the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office is following me and that they’re going to jail me. He said that in Navarra, which is a lie.”
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